Analysis: Biden’s Budget Request Emphasizes HIV, HCV Goals

On March 9th, President Joe Biden released his proposed budget. As with all Presidents, in all years, and in all sorts of political climates, it outlines what can generously be called a “wish list”. Rarely, even under unified control of the government, does a President’s budget request get a full match. Most often, the budget Congress passes and the budget a President proposes are dramatically different. In 2022 (and in decades past), Biden attributed a quote to his father: “Don’t tell me what you value. Show me your budget – and I’ll show you what you value.” To that end, Biden’s budget proposal has a few notable areas of interest with regard to HIV, hepatitis C, public health in general, and with regard to priorities that might affect various stakeholders along the chain from manufacturing medications to patients.

In a call to advocates, just prior to the full court press release of the President’s budget, White House staff touted a proposed expansion of the Inflation Reduction Act’s (IRA) drug price negotiation provisions to include more medications up for government control of list prices as part of a “savings” counterbalance to expenditures in the proposed budget. It’s important to note no specific medications have yet been proposed under the IRA, any proposed “savings” the government expects to see have not been tested, and, yet again, these potential “savings” are not required to be passed down to patients or even back to the government as a public sponsor of affected plans. Similarly, on the call, officials said the proposed budget would stop “subsidizing” pharmaceutical manufacturers and, immediately thereafter, stated a priority in the budget would be to incentivize innovation as part of the administration’s “Cancer Moonshot”.

There are several HIV-related provisions in the budget request as well. First up, the proposal seeks to expand funding for the Ending the HIV Epidemic initiative started under the previous administration by about $313 million. These dollars would be bolstered by a $90 million increase for HIV prevention activities at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) and a $15 million increase for associated CDC programming around pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP) for the prevention of HIV. Notably, these same funds are a portion of dollars Tennessee will be rejecting later this year. Right along with these increases, Biden’s budget seeks to increase Ryan White HIV/AIDS Program funding by $125 million in order to better ensure those already living with HIV have better access to care and treatment.

One of the crowning jewels of the request includes funding for a national PrEP program to the tune of $9.7 billion over 10 years. That particular request may get passed and have some funding, but it is not likely to be funded at this level…or anywhere near sufficiently to meet the need. As it stands, relatively few people who would benefit from PrEP are taking the medication and that number, based on preliminary data for 2022, might be falling again. Largely, PrEP is being used by white men who have sex with men, who are already highly activated, while fewer Black Women and Black men who have sex with men are accessing the medication. A national program may help on this front, but only if it’s handled correctly and carefully. To that end, the CDC has been making a concerted effort to urge primary care providers to adjust their comfort level with prescribing PrEP and having conversations with patients about their sexual activities.

The proposal, however, did not include an increase in funding for Housing Opportunities for People with AIDS (HOPWA), a particular priority of advocates.

Biden’s proposal also includes an increase in funding for the Indian Health Service to better address HIV and Hepatitis C by about $5 million.

In line with these efforts, the Administration unveiled the financial cost of a national Hepatitis Elimination Program (HEP): $11 billion (over 10 years). Now, effort has been in the works for a while, benefitting from a boost of interest from advisor Francis Collins. Biden’s team is already working hard blunt the shock of the request, arguing that making the investment now would, in that same timeframe, actually only amount to about $5.2 billion, thanks to savings realized by a reduction of costs associated with treating long-term impacts of Hepatitis C, including certain cancers. The program would aim to save 100,000 lives by 2050, if goals are achieved.

Of these ideas, HEP likely has the best chance of getting closer to its goal (though, not nearly as close as the Administration or advocates might like), in part, because the idea is largely modeled after cost savings realized in Louisiana and Washington after implementing a “subscription” model of drug purchasing for public programs. While these programs have indeed saved monies for those states, and would do so for the country at large, and increased the number of people accessing curative direct acting agents, they have also stagnated in reaching their goals. That lack of progress after making a giant leap can be attributed to several factors, of which both Ending the HIV Epidemic and a national Hepatitis Elimination Program will face.

Let’s break those factors down real quick by highlighting the Hepatitis C program, which focuses on medication cost and access among at-risk communities near exclusively.

A report from the CDC released last year found just 1 in 3 insured patients who need access to curative treatment for Hepatitis C received it. These are patients whose coverage is already guaranteed. Barriers included payer administrative burdens, including prior authorization requirements, and, likely most importantly, providers just not…providing; not screening, not referring patients for diagnostic testing, not prescribing curative medications for patients (hoping the virus will clear on its own), and not following up to ensure sustained virologic response. And that’s for well connected and engaged patients. Hepatitis C thrives among populations which are routinely hardly reached – people who use drugs, poorer populations, imprisoned people, persons experiencing homelessness, a whole host of folks who need a whole awful lot of help. While the Administration’s proposals would look at encouraging using local pharmacies as points of access and investing in innovative screening tools, like rapid tests, none of those things speak to identifying and treating people most affected by Hepatitis C and HIV. And none of those things would incentivize private providers to increase their frequency of screening for and treating Hepatitis C and HIV.

These lofty goals are admirable. And frankly, they’re achievable. We would also need these tools already mentioned, certainly. But without baseline investments in making HIV and Hepatitis C screening a standard of care, a mandatory inclusion in annual wellness checks, requiring prisons and jails to screen, report to state health departments, and provide curative care on both intake and release, without ensuring clinics are sufficiently funded to have staff to do street outreach, we’re gonna keep missing the mark. Reaching communities that are hardly reached means spending more money per patient in order to reach each patient, not less.

So yes, this is a great start. Yes, these investments need to be made. Yes, this is a great starting point. No, it’s not enough.

Advocates would be well-served to fine tune messaging that thanks allies in power for supporting these tools while also emphasizing that we haven’t yet used all of the tools still in our toolbox. We need to continually re-invest in the foundation of this work while also growing and innovating. Medication is but one tool and without the support for patients to even get to a provider who is willing to screen and treat them, all the medication in the world won’t help.

We need to invest in our own “Yes, and…show me your values…” as we meet with each other, our partners, law makers, policy makers, and the Administration.