Biden Administration’s Healthcare Future is One of Promise & Peril

Last month, the Biden Administration issued a press release outlining a look toward the future of American health care policy. Priorities in the presser include ever elusive efforts around prescription drug pricing and items with steep price tags like expanding Medicare coverage to include dental, hearing, and vision benefits, a federal Medicaid look-alike program to fill the coverage gaps in non-expansion states, and extending Affordable Care Act (ACA) subsidies enhancements instituted under the American Rescue Plan (ARP) in March. Many of these efforts are tied to the upcoming $3.5 trillion reconciliation package.

President Biden renewed his call in support of the Democrats effort to negotiate Medicare prescription drug costs, enshrined in H.R. 3. Drug pricing reform has been an exceptional challenge despite relatively popular support among the voting public, in particular among seniors. The pharmseutical industry has long touted drug prices set by manufacturers do not represent the largest barriers to care and mandating lower drug costs would harm innovation and development of new products. Indeed, for most Americans, some form of insurance payer, public or private, is the arbiter of end-user costs by way of cost-sharing (co-pays and co-insurance payments). To even get to that point, consumers need to be able to afford monthly premiums which can range from no-cost to the enrollee to hundreds of dollars for those without access to Medicaid or federal subsidies. The argument from the drug-making industry giants is for Congress to focus efforts that more directly impact consumers’ own costs, not health care industry’s costs. Pharmaceutical manufacturers further argue mandated price negotiation proposals would harm the industry’s ability to invest the development of new products. To this end, the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) recently released a report giving some credence to this claim. The CBO’s report found immediate drug development would hardly be impacted as those medications currently “in the pipeline” would largely be safe, but a near 10% reduction in new drugs over the next 30 years. While new drug development has largely been focused on “personalized” medicine – or more specific treatments for things like cancer – implementing mRNA technology into vaccines is indeed a matter of innovation (having moved from theoretical to shots-in-arms less than a year ago). With a pandemic still bearing down on the globe, linking the need between development and combating future public health threats should be anticipated.

The administration’s effort to leverage Medicare isn’t limited to drug pricing. Another tectonic plate-sized move would seek to expand “basic” Medicare to include dental, hearing, and vision coverage. Congressional Democrats, while generally open to the idea, are already struggling with timing of such an expansion, angering Senator Bernie Sanders (I-VT) by suggesting a delay until 2028. While any patient with any ailments related to their oral health, hearing, and vision will readily tell you these are critical and necessary coverages, even some of the most common of needs, the private health care insurance industry generally requires adult consumers to get these benefits as add-ons and the annual benefit cap is dangerously low (with dental coverage rarely offering more than $500 in benefit and vision coverage capping at one set of frames, both with networks so narrow as to be near meaningless for patients with transportation challenges). While the ACA expanded a mandatory coverage for children to include dental and vision benefits in-line with private adult coverage caps, the legislation did nothing to mandate similar coverages for adults and did not require private payers to make access to these types of care more meaningful (expanded networks and larger program benefits to more accurately match costs of respective care).

The other two massive proposals the Biden Administration is seeking support for, more directly impact American health care consumers than any other effort from the administration: maintaining expanded marketplace subsidies and a federal look-a-like for people living in the 12 states that have not yet expanded Medicaid under the ACA’s Medicaid expansion provisions. The administration has decent data to back this idea, as the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention released a report showing a drop in the uninsured rate from 2019 to 2020 by 1.9 million people, largely attributed by pandemic-oriented programs requiring states to maintain their Medicaid rolls. The administration and Congressional Democrats are expected to argue subsequently passed legislation allowing for expanded subsidies and maintained Medicaid rolls improved access to and affordability of care for vulnerable Americans during the pandemic. As the nation rides through another surge of illness, hospitalizations, and death from the same pandemic “now isn’t the time to stop”, or some argument along those lines, will likely be the rhetoric driving these initiatives.

Speaking of the pandemic, President Biden outlined his administration’s next steps in combating COVID-19 on Thursday, September 9th. The six-pronged approach, entitled “Path out of the Pandemic”, includes leveraging funding to support mitigation measures in schools (including back-filling salaries for those affected by anti-mask mandates and improving urging the Food and Drug Administration [FDA] to authorize vaccines for children under the age of 12), directing the Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) to issue a rule mandating vaccines or routinized testing for employers with more than 100 employees (affecting about 80 million employees) and mandating federally funded health care provider entities to require vaccination of all staff, pushing for booster shots despite the World Health Organization’s call for a moratorium until greater global equity in access can be attained, supporting small businesses through previously used loan schemes, and an effort to expand qualified health care personnel to distribute COVID-19 related care amid a surge threatening the nation’s hospitals ability to provide even basic care. Notably missing from this proposal are infrastructure supports for schools to improve ventilation, individual financial support (extension of pandemic unemployment programs or another round of direct stimulus payments), longer-term disability systems to support “long-COVID” patients and any yet-unknown post-viral syndromes, and housing support – which is desperately needed as the administration’s eviction moratorium has fallen victim to ideological legal fights, states having been slow to distribute rental assistance funds, and landlords are reportedly refusing rental assistance dollars in favor of eviction. While the plan outlines specific “economic recovery”, a great deal is left to be desired to ensure families and individuals succeed in the ongoing pandemic. Focusing on business success has thus far proven a limited benefit to families and more needs to be done to directly benefit patients and families navigating an uncertain future.

President Biden did not address global vaccine equity in his speech, later saying a plan would come “later”. The problem, of course, is in a viral pandemic, variant development has furthered risks to wealthy countries with robust vaccine access and threatened the economic future of the globe.

To top off all of this policy-making news, Judge Reed O’Connor is taking another swing at dismantling some of the most popular provisions of the ACA. Well, rather, yet another plaintiff has come to the sympathetic judge’s court in an effort to gut the legislation’s preventative care provisions by both “morality” and “process” arguments in Kelley v. Becerra. The suit takes exception to a requirement that insurers must cover particular preventative care as prescribed by three entities within the government (the Health Resources Services Administration – HRSA, the Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices – ACIP, and the Preventative Services Takes Force – PSTF), which require coverage of contraceptives and pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP) with no-cost sharing to the patient, among a myriad of other things – including certain vaccine coverage. By now, between O’Connor’s rabid disregard for the rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender Americans and obsessive effort to dismantle the ACA at every chance he can – both to his own humiliation after the Supreme Court finally go their hands on his rulings – Reed O’Connor may finally have his moment to claim a victory – I mean – the plaintiffs in Kelley may well succeed due to the Supreme Court’s most recent makeover.

As elected officials are gearing up for their midterm campaigns, how these next few months play out will be pretty critical in setting the frame for public policy “successes” and “failures”. Journalists would do well to tap into the expertise of patient advocates in contextualizing the real-world application of these policies, both during and after budget-making lights the path to our future – for better or worse.

HCV Screenings: An Evolving Blind Spot Amid Covid-19

A recent study in the Journal of Primary Care & Community Health highlighted the impact of COVID-19 on routinized Hepatitis C (HCV) screening in ambulatory care settings. (Press release and summary of study findings by the Boston Medical Center can be found here.)

Before we dig into the findings, some background:

On April 10, 2020, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention issued expanded recommendations regarding Hepatitis C Virus screenings to include universal screening for adults aged 18 and over at least once in a lifetime and all pregnant persons – except in settings where HCV prevalence is less than 0.1%. The recommendations also calls for periodic screening among people who inject drugs (PWID).

Prior to this update, the previous recommendations (2012) for HCV screenings was primarily limited to an age cohort focused on Baby Boomers (adults born between 1945 and 1965, regardless of risk factors) and certain risk factors including potential for occupational exposure.

These recommendations came on the back of the CDC’s Viral Hepatitis Surveillance Report (2003-2018), indicating a rise in acute HCV infections among all age cohorts except those under the age of 19, with PWID representing the leading risk factor for new HCV infections (72%). However, data collection on both acute HCV infections and risk factors is sorely lacking. The 2018 surveillance report notes Alaska as having no statutory or regulatory reporting requirement, Hawaii did not report data to the CDC for any year of the report, and 6 other states merely indicated as “data unavailable” (most typically for all reporting years). Finally, no state reported a sero prevalence below 0.1%.

In a report entitled Beyond Baby Boomers, the CDC notes the surge in new HCV infections was dramatically impacted by the opioid crisis – a driving cause in new infections among younger cohorts.

Despite these recommendations, health care providers and traditional health care settings like primary care providers and hospitals routinely miss opportunities to identify PWID and offer HCV screening. This leaves emergency rooms and comprehensive syringe service providers as the most critical partners in identifying new HCV infections, with a priority in op-out screening as a means to increase surveillance, linkage to care, and stigma-reducing education.

All of this makes the Boston Medical Center study that much more alarming. The COVID-19 pandemic, while bringing much to us in the way of innovative health care access, has drastically decreased HCV screening in ambulatory care settings in part because of the leading innovation: telemedicine. Authors observed a hospital-wide reduction in HCV screenings by 50% and diagnoses of HCV by 60%. The finding was even more striking in primary care settings at 72% decrease in HCV screenings and a 63% decrease in new diagnoses. While HCV screenings are not the only preventative care to suffer, as noted by the authors, this is particularly concerning because of the nature of infectious disease impact on public health and because chronic HCV is the leading cause of hepatic illness in the United States.

The blind spot on the horizon is our less than proactive approach in directing resources and programing. Primarily, as many are learning thanks to COVID-19, data collection is historical in nature and offers a limited ability to predict where these necessary resources should be targeted, both geographically and demographically. Data collection efforts may need to consider other metrics in addition to screening and surveillance data in reviewing where resources and programs should focus as we move through the pandemic (i.e. fatal and non-fatal opioid overdose data). Given the CDC’s acknowledgement of the role the opioid crisis has had in driving new HCV infections, the agency’s December 2020 press release indicating an increase in overdose deaths associated with COVID-19 is all that more concerning.

Finally, advocates working at varying intersections of addiction, harm reduction, HCV, HIV, and overall health care could aim their efforts at state and federal policy influencers associated with the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) to call for including HCV screening as a standard of care for all ambulatory care providers, either by incentive or penalty, as applied to approved Marketplace plans. Other avenues for this strategy should include other state insurance regulatory bodies.

We cannot afford to allow COVID-19 to detract from efforts to address existing syndemics.